Scrupulously Savy

Cut Sleeves & Secret Scriptures of Nushu

03 Feb 2012 Leave a Comment

by Savy in Gender & Feminism, LGBTQIA Tags: China, Communism, Culture, cut sleeve, Dong Xian, Emperor Ai of Han, feminine traits, Feminism, feminist theories, Gender, gender expressions, gender sexuality, History, Hong Xuan Jiao, Nushu, queer theories, queer theory, Research, Sexuality, theories of socialization

The senior project for my degree focused on genders and sexualities of Asia. I researched and compiled a fifty page paper covering historical and current beliefs and attitudes relating to these issues in Asia, with an emphasis on China, Japan, and Thailand. I completed this project back in 2008, but I recently came across it and thought I would share. I would like to emphasize that my writing and perspective has shifted and evolved considerably since I originally wrote this. Even so, it should be an interesting read, so please enjoy.

Introduction:

As I examine concepts of gender in Asia I will draw upon Western feminist theories of socialization, construction, enculturation and essentialism. I will present the ways in which these cultures define male and female, and the expectations attached to such labels. Gender expressions based on, but not limited to masculine and feminine traits, are considered utilizing the appropriate cultural lens as well as presented for comparison to Western culture and peoples as they interact. Essentialist perspectives which focus on biology as intrinsic in determining one’s abilities and roles in life along with behavioral and constructionist theories will be utilized to analyze gender, sexuality and gender identity. While constructionist theories are more valued in feminist and queer theories, behavioral and even essentialist theories play a role in the overall identity of individuals. Concepts of LGBT vary greatly cross-culturally. While in Western culture LGBT are conceptualized as identities or lifestyles, other cultures may view them to be actions or choices, while still others may not even have language to frame LGBTQI at all.

Ultimately it is impossible to be entirely free of bias. Although my intention is to compare and contrast concepts cross-culturally, I must acknowledge that some of these concepts may be viewed as imports of Western culture, while others may be nonexistent, or simply viewed as non-issues. Judging these cultures on their standards rather than from a place of ethnocentrism is an essential piece in data analysis and evaluation. The quality of data collected will be dependent on the sources, whose perspectives and potential biases will be considered as well.

While collecting information regarding concepts of gender and LGBT issues in Asia it is pertinent to consider my perspective as a Caucasian U.S. citizen and as a feminist cisgender woman in the LGBTQI community. The way I identify coupled with my personal experiences affects the way I see the world, and in turn how I do my research, what data I deem relevant and how I will interpret this information.

Genders and Sexualities of China:

Queer folk have been mentioned in ancient Chinese texts dating back to the Shang Dynasty 1,700 BCE. The Han Dynasty (206 BCE – 9 CE) was lead almost entirely by Emperors who took male lovers. Traditionally homosexuality was widely tolerated providing men took a wife and produced children to fulfill their filial duties. Chinese society was largely indifferent to same-sex relations. During the Song Dynasty (960 CE – 1279), laws limiting male prostitution emerged. Legal restrictions against homosexuality varied depending on the attitudes of those in power.

Historically China has many literary references to gay practices as a socially accepted tradition, particularly in ruling classes. Many Emperors had male lovers and love between men was widely accepted. A common euphemism for same-sex love is “breaking the sleeves” or “cut sleeve.” This originates from a 2,200-year-old tale about the Han Dynasty emperor who awoke to discover his lover, Dong Xian, had fallen asleep on his sleeve. Rather than wake his lover the emperor had his servants cut his sleeve so he could get up. Forms of gender variance were socially accepted in traditional theater as many included cross-dressed actors. Although attitudes learned toward acceptance, religions in China emphasized the essential differences between men and women. Strict gender roles tend to create a less tolerant environment for sexual minorities.

Traditional Confucian teachings position women as inferior to men. Women’s lives in their entireties are to be dedicated to the obedience to male authority. Confucius spoke of the “ideal person” who could only be male. Only uneducated women could ever be considered virtuous. While men could take multiple wives and were free to divorce and remarry, women were to be completely loyal. A woman was to obey her father, her husband and in the case of her husband’s death, her son. Confucius even constructed an altered theory relating to the balance of yin and yang proclaiming that the “yang of the top and yin on the bottom is proper for honored and lowly” (Sanna, 49). Women and men were taught to be as different as heaven and the earth, and naturally women’s association with earth implied an inferior status to men. Although they did not hold as much tout in China, Buddhist and Taoist practices tend to hold women in higher regards than Confucius teachings.

One of the oldest Chinese classical texts, the Book of Changes, outlines the distinctions between men and women. Strict gender roles detail how life was to be carried out on a daily basis. Female education focused on submission, compliance, and loyalty towards men rather than to cultivate the mind. Nu Jie or Precepts for Women and Nu er Jing meaning Classic for Girls, both written in the first century CE by famous woman scholar Ban Zhao embodied these teachings. Her texts dictate that a woman is to be obedient, unassuming, yielding, timid, respectful, reticent and unselfish. Texts by Liu Xian during this period framed women only as daughters and wives who should sooner meet death than dishonor and to uphold chastity at all costs.

A reinterpretation of Confucianism known as Neo-Confucianism arose during the Song dynasty (960-1279 CE) in China which placed women in an even lower status. Further elaboration of the feminine ethics re-emphasized the importance of segregation and seclusion. Men and women were forbidden from having any public social relations. Poetess Li Jingzhao expressed the pain of forced seclusion as “Silence, solitude, deep in women’s enclosure, a single inch of soft intestine holds a thousand threads of grief” (Croll, 17). With more emphasis on wife fidelity and husband worship, women found themselves confined to the home and practices such as foot binding, forced widow chastity and the selling of daughters were implemented. The life of a woman was commonly equated with that of “a frog in a well” (Croll, 18).

Women in lower classes allowed more freedom as the resources were not available for complete and total seclusion. In some of the poor rural parts of China women worked alongside men. Women of non-Han ethnic minorities took jobs as boat-women, water-carriers, servants, fuel gatherers and scavengers were able to come and go freely. More than half of the population of China was illiterate and could not read the classical texts so quotations would be repeated and passed down. Proverbs and folklore proclaiming male superiority heavily influenced popular thought. Women were to have no knowledge or influence outside of the home even among lower classes. Female nature was presented in classical writing as inherently vicious leading to an evil end for the men possessed by them.

Foot binding began in the tenth century as a way to confine women to their homes. The practice began in the elite classes as it was originally done by court dancing girls. As a status symbol and an essential prerequisite for any social mobility it became common place by the thirteenth century. This practice which involves binding and breaking the bones of the arch in the foot and permanently bending the toes to shrink the entire foot to around 3 inches in length endured into the twentieth century. Girls of seven and eight years of age would have their feet bond and were often made to push a large rock through the yard to help shape the feet after binding. The intense pain and agony of the experience was accounted for in the old saying “For every pair of bound feet a bucket full of tears” (Croll, 19). Tiny feet were thought to be feminine and exquisitely beautiful as well as erotic. A woman whose feet had been bound could not stand for long periods, nor was she able to venture from her home. Mothers inflicted this practice upon their daughters to ensure they would attract a husband which was very important as marriage in China was universal for women.

Not all groups within China practiced foot binding. The Manchu, Hakka, “hill-tribes,” and the boat population of Canton did not bind women’s feet. Foot binding has been discouraged and even prohibited by visitors and rulers. It was not until Mao Zedong came into power that this practice began to dwindle.
Peasant women had more power and freedom to improve their positions in society. During rebellions against the emperor, women would take up arms and fight beside men. Women’s rights were asserted during the “Yellow Turban Uprising” of the second century CE and the “White Lotus Rebellion” of the eighteenth century. The Taipking peasant rebellion of the mid-nineteenth century saw a great outcry for women’s rights. Their attempted reforms, if implemented, would have amounted to a revolution in the position of women.

The Taiping rebellion combined traditional Chinese ideals with Christian ideology. It began in the southern provinces of China and was lead by a man who proclaimed himself the Heavenly King. The more mobile and less subordinated Hakka women influenced plans to redistribute land and establish communal property. They also made equality of the sexes a priority. Under Taiping edicts, foot binding was banned and women were encouraged to venture from the confines of their domestic compounds and take up official positions in the movement. Women held positions as chief-of-staff and chancellors in the Heavenly King’s court. Initially women were segregated within the forces of the rebellion out of traditional practices which compelled a need to protect and hide women. This practice dissolved in 1855, giving way to an elevated position in which women could even practice free intercourse. This is a stark contrast to the strict control on women’s sexuality in parts of China untouched by the rebellion where a women’s chastity dictated a strict life of isolation.

Under the leadership of Hong Xiu Quan, or Heavenly King as he referred to himself, the Taiping fighting force contained a women’s army corps. This force was lead by Hong’s younger sister Hong Xuan Jiao. She led powerful women who were both revered and feared as dead shots with firearms. “Their very presence was said to have broken the morale of the imperial armies sent against them” (Croll, 39). At the peak of the Taiping rebellion in the capital of Nanking, forty women armies existed each with 2,500 soldiers. For the first time talent, skill and hard work was recognized and rewarded among women, allowing them to improve their status and take on leadership roles.

Over time the leaders of the rebellion became corrupt and as defeat loomed they regressed to the comforts of tradition. Women’s status began degrade and reforms made were no longer upheld. Inconsistency of attitudes towards women by leaders gave way to repression. Some women were only officials in title and concubines to the leaders they served in actuality. Women were debased to objects of incentive and reward to men who fought courageously. A man’s rank in the Heavenly Kingdom determined the amount of women he was to receive with the highest ranking men claiming ten women. The leaders had no limitations and took to collecting concubines.

A poem composed by the Heavenly King harkened back to Confucian ideals of women’s roles: “Women in the rear palaces should not try to leave; If they should try to leave it would be like hens trying to crow. The duty of the palace women is to attend to the needs of their husbands; And it is arranged by Heaven that they are not to learn of the affairs outside.” (Croll, 41). Taiping leaders exalted in their writings three forms of obedience and Confucian principles regarding chastity and outlawing a woman from approaching a man were constantly reiterated. The subsequent deterioration of ideals regarding women’s rights did not inevitably deter women from joining the movement. While the rebellion may have been infused with traditional Confucianism, and oppression, it did provide women with new opportunities.

While women were not educated and forbidden from learning to read and write, some women in the third century developed their own written language known as Nushu. This language had to be developed in secret and was passed from woman to woman, from mother to daughter for centuries. Nushu has some similarities to standard written Chinese, yet some aspects of it were invented. Unlike the ideograms used in Chinese, Nushu is phonetic. Although it is dying off, a handful of women can still read, write and speak Nushu today.

Many women and common folk were neglected in traditional historical texts and held less rights regarding freedom to express their sexuality and gender identity. There are some tales of Chinese heroines which have been passed down throughout the ages. These tales have been manipulated in many instances to position the woman as weak, incompetent or to completely vilify feminine nature.
Chinese children grow up knowing the tale of Mulan. Children worldwide now know this story through the Disney adaptation. In the Disney version, however, Mulan is depicted as a clumsy private rather than the skilled and competent fighter that she truly was. Mulan was recognized as a brave and skillful warrior and was promoted until she became a general. She was known for her brilliant military strategy. Throughout her 12 years in the military, it was never discovered that she was a woman.

Wu Zetian was the only female monarch in the two-thousand period from 221 BCE to 1911. She originally entered the palace at 14 as a concubine. After the emperor’s death, his son Gaozong, who had fallen in love with her, married her, making her empress. When her husband fell ill she ruled in his absence and after his death, she secured the throne. She supported women who pursued positions in politics and arts. During her rule China saw a time of peace of prosperity. Wu Zetian was known for her power, wisdom and achievement.

Unfortunately the more recent and disastrous female ruler of China, Cixi the Dowager Empress, presents a very negative image of women in positions of power. Cixi was ruthless, assassinating family members including her own children and adopted young children to be placed on the throne so she could rule as regent. During the Boxer Rebellion, Cixi initially opposed opening China to foreigners. Eventually she was forced to support these changes, although she never relinquished her power. Upon her deathbed her final words were “Never again allow a woman to hold the supreme power in the State.” This dealt a damaging blow to the image of women in political leadership. Indeed it was commonly believed that women who wield power would by their nature disrupt the social order and inevitably bring disaster. The merciless tactics employed by Cixi may not have been necessary had she the privilege, resources, and power allotted to men in Chinese society.

Late imperial China’s normative kinship system was patrilocal, patrilineal, and patriarchal. When conflict would arise in the patriarchal organization of the family between brothers and sister-in-laws, women often bore the brunt of the blame and were accused of “narrow-mindedness” and “petty jealousy.” Newly married women faced different challenges depending on their husbands place in the family; they may have faced a mother-in-law who was determined to monopolize her son’s loyalties or rival sisters-in-law who may have resented their status as young and childless. Younger women were the most likely to be alienated from the goals of the patrilinial descent system. In traditional Chinese society women are pitted against one another in what was ultimately a fight for what amounts to little power in comparison to that of the men in the family.

The traditional preference for male children led wealthy families to have many children in order to ensure survival, whereas female infanticide and neglect of daughters was encouraged among the poor. There were reported cases of wealthy families drowning female infants during the Qing period (1644-1911). Female infanticide has been patterned by region, class and temporal cycles, such as drought and flooding in the Qing period, regardless of the fact that the government and officials routinely condemned the practice. Currently female infanticide is viewed as a “functional equivalent of family planning” which has aided in the decline of the population during the 19th century. Daughters were made to feel like unwanted or damaged goods and were given names like “Little Mistake” as late as the 1980s in parts of Hong Kong. A mother’s only hope for holding any position of power in the patriarchal family structure was to produce sons whose wives she could one day preside over. Women could rarely own property, and if they did, it was only through marriage and was legally controlled by their husband. In ancestral rights, women were recognized as wives and mothers under the family of the men they married.

Tradition dictates that it is acceptable for a man to beat his wife. This has carried on to be fairly prevalent in contemporary Chinese society. Few women ever report violence for fear of bringing shame to their families, and many view it as a normal part of married life. A well-known ancient Chinese proverb states “A wife married is like a pony bought; I’ll ride her and whip her as I like” (Simons). One woman reported being dragged from bed and brutally beaten by her husband after he discovered she was pregnant with a baby girl and she did not want to have an abortion (Simons).

Today the traditions surrounding marriage are changing. The Chinese divorce rate is much higher than it once was and more than 70 percent of divorces are initiated by women. The primary reason given by women who seek divorce is their husbands’ unfaithfulness. The double standard presented in Confucian thought is less common. Many women are seeking more from their relationships with men.

Between 1922 and 1927 the women’s movement was integrated into the nationalist revolutionary movement and feminism became linked to a social alternative. Women’s rights were abandoned after the Communist Party and Guomindang Party slip in 1927. Struggling to retain power the Guomindang government turned to the traditions of Confucianism.

Communism promised equality and freedom to all, but in reality women were kept in subordinate positions within the party leadership. Although the Cultural Revolution was disastrous for China, some Chinese feminists believe that Mao brought women their first taste of equality. Women worked alongside men and became financially independent. Many problems persisted however, as Chinese tradition did not value women. One woman who reported for duty with the Communist party was told she would be a secretary. It was later revealed to her that her mission was to marry the man she was to be a secretary for, so that he could advance in office (Simons). Thus prejudices persisted and true equality was not obtained.

During the Cultural Revolution, sexual minorities suffered as their very existence was denied. Sexual minorities were one group among many who were targeted and oppressed during the communist take over. Officials of the communist government encouraged violence and harassment against sexual minorities. Laws and policies criminalizing homosexuality were put into place.

Less than a decade ago homosexuals were still being arrested as “hooligans.” It was not until 1997 that homosexual acts were decriminalized. Homosexuality was removed from the Chinese Classification of Mental Disorders in 2001. In September of 2003, Shanghai’s Fudan University started the country’s first course on homosexuality. In 1999 and 2003 petitions were brought before the National People’s Congress calling for gay rights and same-sex marriage.

After its jump start from the communist movement, women began to join the work force. Several years ago women accounted for 39% of China’s workforce, but 61% of layoffs. Women over the age of 35 struggle to find work, as companies do not want to hire them as they likely have children and older parents whom they are responsible for. Help wanted ads in 2004 newspapers read as follows: “Secretary, Beijing resident, female, under 30, above 1.65 meters tall, must have regular features” and “Promotion girl, female, under 28 years old, above 1.65 meters tall, white skin, skinny, healthy” (Simons, 91). Often times the employer is looking for a mistress. In other cases women have been fired for not wearing lipstick to work, or for having a hole in her stockings (Simons).

Women who are independent, educated and self-confident are looked down upon. While a successful man has no problem finding a mate, successful female professionals have great difficulty finding a husband. Nuqian, the Chinese word for strong and capable women, is used as an insult.

One Chinese proverb proclaims “Noodles are not real food; women are not real human beings” (Simons, 10). With all the struggles they face, many women feeling trapped and hopeless turn to suicide because they cannot see the value in their lives. China is the only country in the world where female suicides outnumber male suicides. Suicide rates are three times higher in rural areas (Simons). The All-China Women’s Federation was formed to address the issues women face. They have a suicide crisis hotline and provide women’s shelters to provide support.

Many Chinese consider Western attitudes about homosexuality to be outdated. Attitudes have been that of acceptance tolerance and even acceptance so long as homosexuality is not displayed publicly for more than 4,000 years. There have been failed attempts to repress expressions of same-sex love by the conservative Confucian Qing Dynasty (17th century), British-colonial imperialists (18th century), and Mao who intended to destroy Chinese cultural traditions (20th century). The British brought modern Western homophobia to Hong Kong in the 19th century. The repression of education and discussion surrounding sexuality came with the rise of communism and lead to a HIV/AIDS epidemic.

The concept of homosexuality as an identity or lifestyle did not exist in Chinese language or culture until the 1980s. Even today homosexual is rarely used as a noun. Tongzhi is one of the words commonly used to refer to LGB people. The word tongzhi originates from a translation of the Soviet communist term “comrade” which referred to the camaraderie between the revolutionaries. Initially the term was adopted and used by the Republican Party in China, then by both the communist and nationalist parties. Directly translated, tong means same or homo. This is the Chinese word for homosexual. The second half of the word, zhi, means goal, spirit or orientation. After 1949, tongzhi was widely used to refer to all Chinese fighting for the socialist collective interest. After the expansion of the market economy in 1978, tongzhi was no longer used in this sense as it represented the outdated era of communism. In 1989 the term was adopted and used by a Hong Kong gay activist at the principality’s first Lesbian and Gay Film Festival in Hong Kong. At the time the term homosexual was not thought of as appropriate as it denoted sickness and pathology.

Gay, Lesbian and Queer are all terms which reflect Anglo-Saxon constructs which fail to represent the history and identity of the Chinese. Although the term gay is used interchangeably, tongzhi became the most commonly used word within a few years and spread beyond Hong Kong to Taiwan. As stated by Chou Wah-shan; “Tongzhi symbolizes a strong sentiment for integrating the sexual (legitimizing same-sex love), political (sharing the goals of combating heterosexism), and cultural (reappropreating Chinese identity)” (Wah-shan, 3). Tongzhi differs from terms dependant on the gender of erotic desire such as hetero, homo, lesbian, gay, and bisexual. Theories of essentialism and behaviorism have been rejected as has the idea that one’s sexuality is dependent on sexual encounters.

Lesbians use t, tb, tomboy,or tom for butch women and po to identify the femme or the role of a wife. Bufen, meaning not divided, has been used for women who do not fit or conform to these stereotypes. Lala, or lalas is also used to refer to lesbians in China.

The standard Chinese term for transsexual people is bianxing, meaning “one who changes sex.” Bianxing is used in reference to individuals seeking sexual reassignment surgery or SRS, individuals taking hormones and people who express their gender through lifestyle changes. The term to define transgenderism in Mandarin, kuaxing, literally translates as “to go beyond sex.” This term is fairly recent and is primarily used within academia. The most commonly used term for cross-dressing is yizhuangpi, which literally means “obsession with the opposite sex’s attire.” Another term for cross-dressing, bangzhuang, simply translates as “to put on attire.” Banzhuang huanghou is used for drag queens or “crossdressing queens.” There are several terms for drag kings, but no one term has surfaced as currency in Chinese language. Fanchuan has been used to identify performers who cross dress, both males who play women’s role as in the Beijing opera, and females who play men’s roles in Taiwanese opera. More recently fachuan has come to be used in popular culture relation to dressing drag. The Chinese word renyao has been used to identify transwomen stage performers. The term has a very negative connotation, translating roughly as “human monster,” is primarily applied to Thai katoey, and other non-Chinese, southeast Asian transpeople. Naturally transpeople of China avoid this term. After Taiwan’s first professional drag troupe, Red Top Arts, visited in the late 1990s, red top became a common reference to drag and cross-dressing. During the late 1990s disanxing gongguan bars, or “third sex hostess” bars, were popular in Taiwan. With their rise, disanxing gongguan became a common marker for transpeople (Transgender in China).

In an interesting contrast to Western culture, Taiwan studies done by famous sexual reassignment surgeon Fang Ronghuang, have revealed a far larger occurrence of transmen or female-to-male (FTM) than transwomen (MTF). According to Fang’s statistics FTM is five times greater than MTF in Taiwan. The makes the situation so opposed to that in Western cultures where the ratio is ten MTF to every one FTM that some academics have questioned the validity of Fang’s research. Some academics believe the ratio is more likely one to one (Transgender in China). This discrepancy between Western and Asian cultures may be a result of more stringent gender roles and expectations which are put onto women within China. Women in western cultures may have more freedom to wear masculine cloths and take on traditionally male roles, allowing them to express and explore some degree of masculinity without question. Women in China may not celebrate as much freedom of expression, which would lead to more female bodied people seeking to transition.

Intersex people are referred to using zhongxingren, literally translated as “middle sex person.” Other terms for intersex include yinyangren or “yin-yang person.” Although these terms are used to define medical intersexuality, they are also used to indicate androgyny (Transgender in China).

Transpeople face discrimination and struggle greatly due to it. Trans issues became more prevalent in Hong Kong after two young transwomen committed suicide within days of each other in September of 2004. One of the women, Louise Chan, had been stalked and outed the year before by the local press, resulting in the loss of her job. Although there were no legal repercussions available to Ms. Chan, she shared her story with the South China Morning Post, an English-language newspaper, in hopes of raising awareness of the discrimination and prejudice suffered by transpeople.

Transpeople came together in Hong Kong to organize the first established group, Transgender Equality and Acceptance Movement (TEAM) in 2002. After the suicides of Ms. Chan and Sasha Moon in 2004, the group became much more involved and a new wave of activism was spurred among TEAM organization members. This momentum sparked the creation of Lazy Workshop another transgender activism and support group. Although transgender activists have been increasingly involved politically, there is no legal recognition of one’s gender identity in China. Hong Kong does have a governmental policy to provide funding for counseling, hormone therapy and sexual reassignment surgery which has been in place since the mid-1980s. Most administrative and legal documentation will recognize the individual’s gender identity after surgery.

Gay culture in Beijing is limited to small exclusive groups, making it challenging for a foreigner to get involved without a local contact. Tourists are targeted in bars and saunas by moneyboys in need of financial support. There may be potential instances of human trafficking or immigration and poverty playing into this dynamic. Likewise, cruising in Beijing is not safe for visitors. Cases of robbery and abuse are common place as gay men in these areas are often cunning hustlers.

Today Middle Bay Beach of Hong Kong Island is a popular gay tourist destination. Intermittent gay extravaganzas take place in Hong Kong. Although the city does not host a gay pride parade, resident queers such as party organizer Patrick Sun hope to turn Hong Kong into a worldwide gay Mecca. Hong Kong is one of the few Asian cities with a notable gay scene for foreign travelers. The gay movement in Hong Kong is economically driven. LGBT activists believe that to persuade straight Hong Kong to be tolerant and legally progressive they must attract the gay dollar. To visit Hong Kong’s gay world is to support a civil rights movement. In the response to the 2003 SARS epidemic which significantly damaged Hong Kong’s appeal as a travel destination, the Tourism Board officials tapped into queer culture. Gay themed tours were created in hopes of jump-starting the weakened economy. The tours are run by the Tongzhi Holiday firm. People who take these tours receive a rainbow adorned Tongzhi card complete with discounts at more than 20 restaurants, shops, bars and saunas. Although the rainbow is being used as a gay symbol by the Hong Kong tourist industry, it is a Western import. These tours include a walk through the city accompanied by the queer history of China.

As a part of the queer marketing directed at tourists, otherwise straight clubs will have gay happy hours. One such establishment is Club 97 of Lan Kwai Fong’s epicenter. There are women at gay bars, but lesbian life is much more hidden. Saunas outnumber gay bars nearly three to one. Most are small discreet locations where patrons can remain anonymous.

Hong Kong was one of very first of Asian jurisdictions to repeal its ban on gay sex, and the only part of China, with some level of legal affirmation. Lesbianism has never been mentioned in Hong Kong law. The legalization movement began in 1980 when Inspector John MacLennan of the Royal Hong Kong Police was said to have been found dead with 5 bullet wounds by police who had come to arrest him for alleged gay sex acts. The official report was that he had committed suicide, which was very questionable considering the circumstances of his death.

LGBT activists have been at the forefront of HIV/AIDS education programs and there is a long list of LGBT HIV/AIDS organizations and programs. Since 1996, China has been the sight of the International Tongzhi Conference. There is also a Tongyu lesbian association in Beijing which can be contacted by email at tongyu.org@gmail.com. There is a unique hotline beeper service which provides information on the LGB scene, as well as counseling. The International Chinese Comrades Organization (ICCO) provides information, resources, support and advocacy to those whose civil rights have been violated. Lavender Phoenix caters to lesbian and bisexual women of mainland China. Another organization offering support to lesbian and bisexual women is Common Language. Based in Beijing, Common Language has offered a hotline, groups, educational workshops, cultural events and Pride celebrations since 2005. There are even English email discussion groups for Beijing gay, lesbian and allies (BGLAD). Although bisexual and transgender are not included in the name, the site offers support to those communities as well. The group is multicultural, multisexual and welcomes non-Chinese people as well. Social network groups include the Long Yang Club (LYC) of Shanghai and Shanghai LGBT. Promen is an English-speaking gay professional social network. A website offering a wealth of information, resources, publications, GLBT friendly travel agents, bars, restaurants and hotels is www.utopia-asia.com. This site covers all of Asia broken down into separate countries and provinces.

There are over 250 gay-related Chinese websites which are a major force in the way closeted homosexuals meet. LGBT organizations have struggled greatly as the Chinese government has been known to shut them down or harass members. As a result, much of the LGBT community exists on internet networking sites. Although there are dozens of gay bars and saunas, locating such establishments without the guidance of a gay local is difficult. Lesbian bars are very rare as there is great pressure for women to conform to Confucian ideals to get married and have children. Men are held to the same traditions as marriage as seen as the only path to true manhood.

Hong Kong held its first official gay pride parade December 13, 2008. The event was fairly low key and attracted around a thousand participants. This parade is truly revolutionary for country which rarely acknowledges sexual minorities. The event was organized by Rainbow of Hong Kong, Midnight Blue, Social Movement Resource Centre and the Women Coalition. Being the first large-scale event of this nature in China, this is a historic moment for the queer community.